The Jew in the Lotus Ok, since I slept for a good portion of yesterday and am now awake and having trouble sleeping again, I figure a short entry is in order before I get a jump on my 4th day. I spent a 12 hour bus ride from Majnu Ka Tila to Dharamsala yesterday. After fearing I would miss it, I wound up being early.
Our research shows diminishing tolerance by authorities for forms of expression and assembly protected under international law. This has been marked by an increase in state control over daily life, increasing criminalization of nonviolent forms of protest, and at times disproportionate responses to local protests.
The analysis presented here is based on our assessment of cases for which we were able to obtain credible information. Stringent limitations on access to Tibet and on information flows out of Tibet mean we cannot conclude definitively that our cases are representative of the unknown overall number of political detentions of Tibetans during this period.
Expand Share Information on the cases comes from the Chinese government, exile organizations, and foreign media. Of the detainees, were reported to have been sent for trial, convicted, and sentenced to imprisonment.
The average sentence they received was 5. As explained in the methodology section below, the actual number of Tibetans detained and prosecuted during this period for political offenses was likely significantly higher.
Many detentions documented here were for activities that the Chinese authorities previously considered to be minor offenses or not politically sensitive.
Many of those detained came from segments of society not previously associated with dissent. In addition, many of the detentions took place in rural areas where political activity had not previously been reported. From tothe Tibetan parts of Sichuan province had posted the highest numbers of protests and detentions on the Tibetan plateau, but in the epicenter of detentions shifted to the central and western areas of the Tibetan plateau, called the Tibet Autonomous Region TAR sincewhich until had been under the government of the Dalai Lama.
Our research found that many of those detained and prosecuted were local community leaders, environmental activists, and villagers involved in social and cultural activities, as well as local writers and singers. In the previous three decades, the authorities had rarely accused people from these sectors of Tibetan society of involvement in political unrest.
Buddhist monks and nuns, who constituted over 90 percent of political detainees in Tibet in the s, represent less than 40 percent of the cases documented here.
Almost all the protests and detentions identified in this report occurred in small towns or rural townships and villages rather than in cities, where most protests and detentions in prior years were reported to have taken place. This suggests that dissent has increased in rural Tibetan areas, where nearly 80 percent of Tibetans live.
Our data also shows an overall decline in the total number of Tibetans detained for political offenses between andthough this may be an artifact of the limitations on information, detailed in the methodology section below.
Notably, however, the totals for these three years are significantly higher than for the 10 years before when stability maintenance policies were expanded following major protests centered in Lhasa Ch.: Lasathe capital of the TAR. The changing nature of unrest and politicized detention in Tibet correlates with new phases in the stability maintenance campaign in the TAR and other Tibetan areas.
Sinceauthorities have intensified social control and surveillance at the grassroots level, particularly in the rural areas of the TAR. This has included the transfer of some 21, officials to villages and monasteries in the TAR, where they are tasked with implementing new management, security, and propaganda operations, and, more recently, the deployment of nearly 10, police in Tibetan villages in Qinghai.
This has led to a surge in the creation of local Communist Party organizations, government offices, police posts, security patrols, and political organizations in Tibetan villages and towns, particularly in the TAR.
The implementation of these measures appears to explain many of the new patterns of detention, prosecution, and sentencing documented in this report. It was only after the rural phase of the stability maintenance policy in the TAR was implemented from late that the number of protests and resulting detentions and convictions increased dramatically in that region.
These detentions, occurring primarily in rural areas, indicate that the stability maintenance policy in the TAR has entered a third phase. The first phase entailed paramilitary operations in the immediate wake of the protests in Lhasa, when the authorities detained several thousand people suspected of involvement in those protests or associated rioting.
The second phase, which began in late and is ongoing, involved the transfer of officials to run security and propaganda operations in villages, as described above. The third phase, which dates to earlyhas involved increasing use of the surveillance and security mechanisms established during the second phase in rural villages of the TAR to single out activities deemed to be precursors of unrest.
This has meant that formerly anodyne activities have become the focus of state attention and punishment, including social activities by villagers that had not previously been put under sustained scrutiny by the security forces.
In the eastern Tibetan areas—comprising parts of Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu, and Yunnan provinces—politicized detentions also appear to correlate with stability maintenance measures. Beginning in December the authorities there conducted an intensified drive to end self-immolations among Tibetans that resulted in a sharp increase in detentions and prosecutions of Tibetans for alleged connections to self-immolations, often with tenuous legal basis.
These localities saw greater numbers of politicized detentions, recurrent cycles of protest and detention, higher average sentencing rates compared to other areas, and longer sentences for relatively minor offenses.
Duringlay and religious leaders of rural communities often received unusually heavy sentences for expressions of dissent, especially if they were from a protest cluster site. Among those who received the longest sentences were people who tried to assist victims of self-immolations, leaders of protests against mining or government construction projects, and organizers of village opposition to unpopular decisions by local officials.
Such activities, most of which were not explicitly political and did not directly challenge the legitimacy of the state, received markedly longer sentences than people shouting slogans or distributing leaflets in support of Tibetan independence.
The incidents described in this report indicate that outbursts of unrest and waves of politicized detentions occurred in specific localities at certain times rather than being evenly dispersed across the Tibetan areas. But the range of locations and the different social levels of protesters involved suggest that political, environmental, and cultural discontent is widespread among Tibetans in many parts of the plateau.
Deaths and ill-health of detainees also continued to be a serious problem in the period covered by this study. Fourteen of those detained, 2. The cases also involve the detention of children, including a 14 and a year-old, both monks, and at least one year-old child detained after his father self-immolated.
The detentions, prosecutions, and convictions documented here reflect the impact of intensive new efforts by officials in Tibetan areas to prevent any repeat of the Tibet-wide protests that occurred in the spring of Yet the new policies have led to apparently unprecedented cycles of discontent in certain rural areas, and an overall increase in the types of activities that are treated as criminal challenges to the authority of the Communist Party or the Chinese state.My Caden has the same kimono that little boy is wearing.
Cute! Now I need a little girl to add to my plombier-nemours.com kidding!!!:O. THIRD DR S GOPAL ANNUAL MEMORIAL LECTURE 13 May , 5 PM (This is the text of a lecture delivered at King's College, London) By Nirupama Rao, Meera & Vikram Gandhi Fellow in International Studies, The Watson Institute, Brown University History, Howard Zinn once said, is an empty vessel and y.
Tibetan women and men were systematically sterilized, while other Tibetan women were forced to bear children by Chinese. Because they refused to give up their religion, many Tibetans were selected to be buried alive, drawn to pieces, crucified, burned at the stake, drowned, scalded, hanged and shot in unbelievable numbers.
Useful phrases in Tibetan. A collection of useful phrases in Tibetan, a Sino-Tibetan language spoken mainly in Tibet. Jump to phrases. Click on any of the (non-English) phrases that are links (blue) to hear them spoken.
Dharma activities in Vajrayana and Tibetan Buddhism in Bangkok and the rest of Thailand. Mongkol Sri – มงคลศรี The pinky has two meanings, the first is the motivation of being free from fear in this life. The second is for worldly success and pleasure.
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